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South Sudan: Four Years Into South Sudan Conflict, Hunger and Malnutrition Continue to Rise

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Source: CARE
Country: Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Kenya, South Sudan, Sudan, Uganda

JUBA (15 December 2017)– Four years after the beginning of the South Sudan conflict, the leading humanitarian organization CARE is deeply concerned by the risk of famine as rates of hunger and malnutrition continue to rise. Presently, seven million South Sudanese are in need of lifesaving assistance – deeply affected by conflict, displacement, hunger and a collapsing economy.

“This year, ongoing violence against the civilian population – coupled with unmet humanitarian needs – has resulted in hundreds of thousands of people moving within South Sudan and across the borders to Uganda and South Sudan,” said Fred McCray, CARE country director in South Sudan. “Women and girls have bore the brunt of violence during this conflict, including many during their journey to safety in neighboring countries.”

The surge in over 2 million South Sudanese civilians fleeing violence increased the pressure on neighboring countries, such as Uganda, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sudan, Ethiopia and Kenya, to provide humanitarian assistance. CARE applauds the communities that have sheltered thousands of refugees seeking safety and worked hand-in-hand with aid agencies to meet the basic needs of affected people.

In the first months of 2018, 4.8 million people – more than half of the population – will face severe food insecurity, while half of all South Sudanese children under five currently experience acute malnutrition. While the increase in donor support for humanitarian operations has played a pivotal role in preventing famine from being declared in South Sudan, continued humanitarian support – coupled with diplomatic engagement in an inclusive and sustainable peace process – is essential to secure the future of the South Sudanese population.

“We call on all parties to the conflict to allow unfettered access to the most vulnerable people, thousands of whom are already experiencing famine-like conditions in South Sudan. Without a permanent ceasefire and a sustainable peace agreement, the humanitarian community is not able to provide lifesaving assistance to those who urgently need it,” says McCray.

Attacks and apparent impunity for violence against humanitarian workers and aid convoys have exacerbated the increasing insecurity in South Sudan. Furthermore, bureaucratic impediments have diminished the resources available for humanitarian assistance. While the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) has focused its engagement on protecting civilians and creating conditions conducive to the delivery of humanitarian assistance, it must be strengthened further in 2018 in order to prevent famine.

The use of rape and sexual violence as a weapon of war by parties to the conflict has created untold trauma among civilians. Investments in health and protection programming will be critical to support the needs of South Sudanese women and girls, along with their families and community members, in order to work toward progress and end the cycle of violence in South Sudan.

To date, CARE has reached over a half million people in need of lifesaving assistance with food, livelihood assistance, health care, protection from gender-based violence and peacebuilding interventions.

ABOUT CARE

Founded in 1945, CARE is a leading humanitarian organization fighting global poverty. CARE places special focus on working alongside poor girls and women because, equipped with the proper resources, they have the power to lift whole families and entire communities out of poverty. Last year, CARE worked in 94 countries and reached more than 80 million people around the world. To learn more, please visit: www.care.org.

Media Contact
Nicole Ellis, +1-202-560-1791, nicole.ellis@care.org


Ethiopia: UNHCR Ethiopia Factsheet - November 2017

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Source: UN High Commissioner for Refugees
Country: Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan, Yemen

  • Ethiopia is host to the second largest refugee population in Africa, sheltering 893,938 registered refugees and asylum seekers as of 30 November 2017.

  • Since January 2017, 106,092 refugees arrived in Ethiopia, mainly from South Sudan (almost 74,400), Eritrea (over 22,700) and Somalia (over 6,600).

  • Ethiopia formally launched the CRRF, paving the way for the implementation of the nine pledges it made at the Leaders’ Summit on Refugees in September 2016 in New York.

Ethiopia: Ethiopia: Refugees and Asylum-seekers as of 30 November 2017

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Source: UN High Commissioner for Refugees
Country: Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan, Yemen

Somalia: Bulletin: Cholera/AWD Outbreaks in Eastern and Southern Africa Regional Update (as of 15 December 2017)

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Source: UN Children's Fund
Country: Angola, Burundi, Kenya, Malawi, Mozambique, Rwanda, Somalia, South Sudan, Uganda, United Republic of Tanzania, Zambia, Zimbabwe

12 Countries

109,442 Cases

1708 deaths

1.6% CFR

Highlights

More than 109,442 cholera / AWD cases and 1708 deaths (Case Fatality Rate: 1.6%) have been reported in 12 of 21 countries of Eastern and Southern Africa Region (ESAR) since the beginning of 2017. These countries include; Angola, Burundi, Kenya, Malawi, Mozambique, Rwanda, Somalia, South Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe. Of the countries reporting, Somalia accounts for 71.8% of the total cases reported in 2017, followed by South Sudan at 15.8%.

Currently, 10 out of the 21 countries in ESAR reported active transmission of cholera / AWD (Burundi, Kenya, Malawi, Mozambique, Somalia, Rwanda, South Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda and Zambia), with Zambia and Tanzania reporting the highest number of new cases (217 cases and 216 cases respectively).Of the 10 countries, Zambia recorded the highest CFR at 2.4% in 2017, followed closely byTanzania and Kenya at 1.8% each.

Zambia: There has been an increase in the epidemic trend over the last two weeks. During week 49 (week ending 10 December 2017), 217 new cases including 11 deaths (CFR:5.1%) were reported in the country compared to 149 cases including 2 deaths reported in week 48 (week ending 3 December 2017). These new cases emerged from Lusaka, Chongwe, Rufunsa and Shibuyunji districts (in Lusaka Province); Ndola district (in Copperbelt Province); and Kapiro Mposhi district (in Central Province).

Tanzania: During week 48, 216 new cases including 8 deaths (CFR: 3.7%) were reported; compared to 117 cases including 4 deaths (CFR 3.4%) reported in week 47 (week ending 26 Nov 2017). New cases emerged from Mbeya, Tanga, Katavi, Songwe, Dodoma, Rukwa and Ruvuma regions. Ruvuma region which was previously not affected by the oubreak, accounted for close to two thirds (133 cases)of all the new cases reported in week 48. All the 8 deaths emerged from Ruvuma region.

Mozambique: The cholera outbreak flared up over the last two weeks. During week 49, 75 new cases were reported; compared to 155 cases reported in week 48. New cases emerged from Memba, Erati and Nacarroa districts in Nampula province.

Kenya: During week 49, 44 new cases were reported compared to 50 cases reported in week 48. New cases emerged from Nairobi, Garissa, Mombasa, Wajir, Embu, Kirinyaga and Kwale counties.

Somalia: A decline in epidemic trend. During week 49, 12 new cases were reported; compared to 22 cases reported in week 48. These new cases emerged from Togdheer and Sool regions.

South Sudan: During week 47, 20 new cases were reported; compared to 28 cases including 1 death (CFR: 3.6%) reported in week 46. Most of the cases emerged from Juba and Budi counties Uganda: During week 48, 14 new cases were reported; compared to 12 cases including 1 death (CFR; 8.3%) reported in week 47. The new cases emerged from Kasese district in South Western sub-region. Malawi: 3 new cases were reported in week 49. The cases emerged from Karonga district and the index case is reported to have come from a neighbouring district in Tanzania

Burundi: 3 new cases were reported in week 48. These cases emerged from BDS nord.

South Sudan: South Sudan: Humanitarian Dashboard (as of 30 November 2017)

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Source: UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
Country: South Sudan

SITUATION OVERVIEW

In November, fighting between armed forces was reported in Yei, Kajo-keji and Lainya County (Central Equatoria), Torit County (Eastern Equatoria), Mundri area (Western Equatoria), Ayod County (Jonglei), and Mayendit and Rubkona County (Unity). As a result, many civilians were displaced in different locations, including 17,300 in Kajo-keji County, who were forced to flee IDP camps, to other parts of Central Equatoria and Uganda. Intercommunal violence in Duk County (Jonglei) left 45 people dead, and displaced over 2,000 people from Duk Payuel to Poktap. According to health partners, an increasing number of cases of kala-azar were reported in Unity in November.

As of end of November, aid workers have reached more than 5.1 million people with assistance and protection since the beginning of the year. This includes: 4.7 million reached with food assistance and emergency livelihoods; more than 2.5 million reached through the distribution of inter-agency emergency health kits, more than 2.1 million provided with access to clean water; 818,000 assisted with vital non-food items, including blankets and mosquito nets; 810,000 children and pregnant and lactating women provided with emergency nutritional assistance; 357,000 children supported with access to education in emergencies; and more than 94,000 children vaccinated against measles.

Uganda: UNHCR Uganda: 2017 Funding Update (as of 12 December 2017)

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Source: UN High Commissioner for Refugees
Country: Burundi, South Sudan, Uganda

568.8 M required for 2017 including special situations
218.5 M contributions received, representing 38% of requirements
350.3 M overall funding gap for Uganda

All figures are displayed in USD

South Sudan: Southern Torit County Displacement and Service Access Brief: Torit County, Eastern Equatoria State, South Sudan, November 2017

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Source: REACH Initiative
Country: South Sudan

Background

In response to reports of persistent needs and a growing population of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in the mountain and valley areas of southern Torit County, REACH joined a Rapid Response Mission team constituted by the World Food Program (WFP) and the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF) in Gunyoro village, Ifwotu Payam. A concurrent screening and distribution took place in Iholong village, also in Ifwotu Payam, but was cut short due to nearby fighting.

The assessment was conducted from 17-20 November and consisted of 4 KI interviews with community leaders, 2 gender-disaggregated Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) with a total of 28 participants, continuous interaction with community members during aid provision, and general observation of the area by foot and helicopter. Findings should be considered as indicative only, and further verification via site visits should occur where possible.

Population Movement and Displacement

Torit and the foothills of the Imatong Mountains to its south have seen fighting for decades. In the last few years, the population in the area has been in flux, with frequent displacement inflows and outflows, and nearly continuous internal movements.

Displacement into southern Torit County

Displacement to southern Torit County has been occurring continuously since 2013, with two large waves following conflict in the last few years. The first, in June and July 2016, occurred in response to outbreaks of violence in most population centres across South Sudan. In total, 1,720 IDPs fled to Gunyoro and the surrounding area from a wide variety of locations, especially Torit, Magwi, Juba and Malakal. In March through June 2017, fighting resumed in and around Torit, displacing people into other areas of Eastern Equatoria, Uganda and Kenya; this brought another wave of IDPs, of indeterminate size, to Gunyoro and across southern Torit County. In addition to these two large displacements, community leaders reported a continuous trickle of IDPs arriving from Torit and Magwi, as people search for wild food and land for cultivation.

IDPs in Gunyoro indicated that they chose to move to the area because they were unable to afford transport to Uganda but could walk to Gunyoro, which they perceived to be a relatively safe and fertile area. Most travelled only with what they could carry. IDPs are reportedly well integrated into the local community; they share shelter areas, land for cultivation and the limited food that is available.

South Sudan: UNHCR South Sudan Situation: 2017 Funding Update (as of 12 December 2017)

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Source: UN High Commissioner for Refugees
Country: Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Kenya, South Sudan, Sudan, Uganda

883.5 M required for 2017
299.3 M contributions received, representing 34% of requirements
584.2 M funding gap for the South Sudan Situation

All figures are displayed in USD


South Sudan: South Sudan hunger crisis set to intensify in 2018, warns Christian Aid, as conflict enters fifth year

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Source: Christian Aid
Country: South Sudan

On the fourth anniversary of South Sudan's deadly conflict, Christian Aid is renewing its call for urgent action to stem alarming levels of hunger and malnutrition in the country.

Ongoing violence and civil insecurity, which began on 15 December 2013, have crippled South Sudan's economy, created catastrophic food shortages and forced 4 million people to abandon their homes.

The United Nations humanitarian chief has now warned that more than 1.2 million people in the country are just one step away from famine. Food security experts predict that famine could occur in multiple locations in 2018.

With high-level peace talks set to start next week, progress towards sustainable peace is desperately needed to end the country's humanitarian crisis, says Christian Aid, which is currently raising funds for South Sudan through its 2017 Christmas Appeal

Christian Aid's Country Manager for South Sudan, Jolly Kemigabo, said The anniversary on 15 December is a bitter and heart-breaking reminder of the cost of conflict on women, children and men. For four years, people have seen everything taken away from them: their relatives, their incomes, their homes, their hope.

It is a tragedy that this crisis was man-made, and wholly preventable. Now, not only are millions of civilians critically short of food, but they are also living each day with the deep-rooted trauma of their experiences.

At this time of year the post-harvest season families would ordinarily be in a relatively strong situation. Instead, many continue to face immense challenges, with 4.8 million people needing emergency food aid, and more than a million children under five suffering from acute malnutrition. The scale and severity of this crisis is beyond imagination.

Thanks to the dedication of local and international agencies, localised famine was stopped in its tracks early in 2017. If we want to avoid a repeat of this situation, then we urgently need more funds to respond in 2018. We are appealing to the UK public to support Christian Aid's Christmas appeal, so that we can help families in South Sudan who are on the brink of catastrophe

For every pound the public gives to Christian Aid's Christmas Appeal, the UK Government will also give a pound (on all donations made between 6 November 2017 and 5 February 2018, up to £5m). All the matched funds will go towards Christian Aid's work in South Sudan.

On Thursday, the UK Government announced an additional pound 52 million humanitarian package for South Sudanese communities affected by conflict including refugees and internally displaced people. This will provide shelter, education, food, medicine, clean water, malnutrition treatment and other support.

Chief Executive of Christian Aid Ireland, Rosamond Bennett, who recently travelled to the country, said: "In South Sudan, I witnessed intense poverty. In the villages I visited, people are eating just one meal a day, made with only one ingredient. After months and months of living like this, energy levels are low and many people, especially children, are suffering from malnutrition.

Seeing how hungry and malnourished some of the babies are and then the pain in their mother's faces, who know they have no food for them, was devastating. Some of the people told me that they know they won't be here next spring. Recent heavy rains destroyed their crops, which they were depending on. They said, "Christmas is non-existent for us this year"

I listened to the concerns of many mothers. Most of them had not eaten at all on the day we met. It's critical to note that aid is making a difference, but many more people are at risk of hunger. One women told me that she simply wouldn't have survived without the emergency aid she received.

Christian Aid's local partners are providing humanitarian relief in some of the worst-hit parts of South Sudan, directly benefiting over 23,000 people. This includes distributing food supplies, fishing kits, kitchen materials, mosquito nets, food vouchers and cash vouchers.

The charity's South Sudan Country Manager, Jolly Kemigabo, said: "This Christmas, we pay tribute to our staff and local partners in South Sudan for their courage and commitment. However, we cannot be complacent. Until the conflict is over, the hunger crisis will continue.
That's why Christian Aid and our partners will continue standing alongside South Sudanese communities, churches and leaders as, together, they work for sustainable peace and stability."

The conflict first erupted in December 2013 after a political struggle between President Salva Kiir and former Vice President Riek Machar escalated along ethnic lines. Despite a peace agreement in August 2015, violence has continued.

Today, nearly 1.9 million people are displaced within South Sudan, having fled violent attacks and human rights abuses such as sexual violence and arbitrary killings. A further 2.1m South Sudanese citizens are refugees in other nations. Two million children are out of school.

Rosamond Bennett, Chief Executive of Christian Aid Ireland, is available for comment.
Watch new film footage from South Sudan here
High-resolution images can be downloaded from Christian Aid's Media Centre here

Notes to Editors:

  1. UK Aid Match is run by the Department for International Development. It brings charities, the British public and the UK government together to collectively change the lives of some of the world’s poorest and most vulnerable people. The Government will match every donation to participating charity appeals, up to a total of £5 million per UK Aid Match appeal, for a three month period.  Donations must be from individuals based in the UK.

  2. Christian Aid works in some of the world's poorest communities in around 40 countries at any one time. We act where there is great need, regardless of religion, helping people to live a full life, free from poverty. We provide urgent, practical and effective assistance in tackling the root causes of poverty as well as its effects.

  3. Christian Aid's core belief is that the world can and must be changed so that poverty is ended: this is what we stand for. Everything we do is about ending poverty and injustice: swiftly, effectively, sustainably.
    Our strategy document Partnership for Change explains how we set about this task.

  4. Christian Aid is a member of ACT Alliance, a global coalition of more than 130 churches and church-related organisations that work together in humanitarian assistance, advocacy and development.

  5. Follow Christian Aid's newswire on Twitter

Press contact :

To interview Rosamond Bennett, or for more information, contact Tomilola Ajayi on tajayi@christian-aid.org or call 07850 242950.

To access more press releases please visit Christian Aid Media Centre www.mediacentre.christianaid.org.ukhttps://mediacentre.christianaid.org.uk

South Sudan: Amid protracted and widespread violence, WHO partners with National NGOs to improve immunization coverage and save the lives of women and children in South Sudan

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Source: World Health Organization
Country: South Sudan

Juba, 15 December 2017: the World Health Organization (WHO) is expanding on its partners’ engagement mechanisms to address critical barriers in reaching vulnerable persons including women and children with life-saving interventions in besieged and hard-to-reach areas, where access and restrictions on movement severely hinder the ability of populations to get health services.

Since 2015, an estimated 456 000 people in south-eastern Upper Nile area have not been reached with life-saving health interventions leaving critical gaps and the derailment of vaccine preventable and communicable disease control achievements. Besides, surveillance indicators have remained very sub-optimal for vaccine preventable diseases.

To improve access and reduce family and community resistance to vaccination, WHO signed an agreement with Universal Network for Knowledge and Empowerment Agency (UNKEA), a national non-governmental organization operating in South Sudan to increase access to Expanded Programme on Immunization (EPI) services to achieve the overall goal of immunizing every child against vaccine preventable diseases in four counties of the south-eastern Upper Nile.

The four counties host over 342 482 persons at risk of meningitis, 86 763 exposed to deadly effects of measles and over 91 300 children not immunized with vaccine in the past two years, says Mr Kofi Boateng, the WHO EPI Officer. To maximize access, quality, utilization and acceptability of immunization services, WHO is also deploying highly skilled and experienced international staff to safe guard standards of implementation of immunization activities for routine, meningitis catch-up, measles follow-up and polio campaigns, Mr Boateng stressed.

Through the current partnership, UNKEA will provide accelerated routine immunization services through outreach services in remote areas, implement the measles follow-up, National Immunization Days (NIDs) or supplementary immunization activities (SIAs) and MenAfriVac campaigns in those counties.

This partnership aims to provide opportunities to build capacity, share best practices, establish practical solutions to overcome obstacles and further strengthen partnerships to provide basic lifesaving health services especially in highly insecure areas so that the gains made in Guinea Worm Eradication, Polio Eradication and other globally targeted efforts will not be put in jeopardy.

The partnership sets the stage for sustained development strategy that is home grown, reliable and accessible to the population in South Sudan, said Mr John Wiyual Ding the Health Manager of UNKEA. He also added that the organization has accepted the challenge to demonstrate equal capacity in implementing all the activities to the desired standards and expected targets.

Signing the agreement, Mr Evans Liyosi, WHO Representative a.i. for South Sudan, emphasized the need for stakeholders to build critical national capacities to ensure that residual resources are readily available in South Sudan to ensure resilience for live-saving responses to millions of populations displaced and inaccessible. WHO is also committed to strengthening immunization and other health services to save the lives of the vulnerable South Sudanese.

South Sudan: The Stop Transmission of Polio (STOP) program contributes to sustain Polio eradication in South Sudan

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Source: World Health Organization
Country: South Sudan

14 December, 2017, Juba: South Sudan has been polio-free since June 2009. However, it is still considered at risk for polio outbreak due to insecurity, population movements, along with recent polio outbreaks in the neighbouring countries.

In order to sustain the polio free status, reaching every child with life-saving polio vaccines, and strengthening acute flaccid paralysis surveillance remain core interventions.

Over the past nine years, South Sudan has been implementing the Stop Transmission of Polio (STOP) program in line with the Global Polio Eradication Initiative to strengthen the workforce capacity needed to fill the gaps and provide support for polio eradication and other immunization activities to reach the most disadvantaged and hard to reach communities.

Since 2009, South Sudan has benefitted from the STOP program, and for the just concluded STOP 50 cycle, 13 STOP team members were deployed to the country including field epidemiologists, data managers, and communication specialists for a period of 5 months. The Global Polio Eradication Initiative (GPEI) is a coordinated effort of multiple partners in the Stop Transmission of Polio (STOP) Program.

The STOP program has complimented the overall performance of the South Sudan expanded program on immunization (EPI) and its workforce capacity. The STOP volunteers have supported the implementation of polio immunization days, routine immunization, Acute Flaccid Paralysis surveillance, the introduction of real time mobile technology (ODK) for monitoring of EPI/PEI activities, strengthened communication, improved data management and quality, and capacity building for national staff to achieve sustainable health workforce among others.

According to Dr Sylvester Maleghemi, the WHO Polio Eradication Initiative Team Lead, the STOP program is important in the context of South Sudan given the myriad of challenges faced by the country. The mentorship aspect of the program continues to ensure that the country builds the capacity and skills of individuals who will eventually take over the running of these health programs. While acknowledging challenges faced by colleagues in the program, the results seen clearly demonstrate the determination of the STOP program in ensuring South Sudan remains Polio free.

South Sudan: Opening Remarks at Press Conference by the Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan, 15 December 2017

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Source: UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights
Country: South Sudan

UNMISS HQ, Juba, South Sudan, Friday, 15 December 2017

Yasmin Sooka, Chairperson of the Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan (CHRSS): Good morning everybody. My name is Yasmin Sooka. I am the Chairperson of the Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan. I am joined by my fellow Commissioner Andrew Clapham who is with me. I would like to thank you all for joining us this morning. As you know, our interactions with the media are very important for us. And, quite frankly, if we want the voices of South Sudanese to be heard, then the media is going to be a critical role player in that regard.

Just to remind you, the Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan is an independent body that has been appointed by the Human Rights Council in Geneva in order to determine the facts and circumstances of alleged gross violations and abuses of human rights and related crimes. We are going to do this by collecting and preserving evidence, with a view to ending impunity and providing accountability.

Today as we commemorate the fourth anniversary of the conflict in South Sudan, the Commission wishes to express its condolence and solidarity with the people of South Sudan for the immense loss of life and livelihoods that they have suffered, as we have seen in our visits across South Sudan. We are very grateful and appreciative to all of those we met with this week, including the survivors who shared their testimonies with us.

On Monday, here in Juba, we met with the Government, including the First Vice President Taban Deng Gai, the Ministers of Defence, Interior and Justice, as well as the Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and we met with the representatives of JMEC [Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission] in Juba, as well.

On Tuesday, Andrew and I broke up into two teams. Supported by members of the Secretariat, I visited Wau, and he visited Akobo. I met with the State Governor in Wau where I requested that a copy of the government’s investigative report on the 2017 attacks, that took place in April this year, be made available to me. I also visited the Protection of Civilian (POC) sites as well as the IDP site in the Cathedral, where we met with the community leaders, women’s’ groups, and we listened to testimonies of many of those living there who described the horrors that displaced them. And, as you know, in Wau you have the Wau triangle, and much of that has been inaccessible, even to the UN. It is only last week that a patrol went down to Bazia, and they found that these were very much deserted places with many people still living in the bush, and too frightened to come out and speak to anyone.

But we listened to the stories from those who described the attacks that came and which displaced them. The overwhelming story that we encountered included not just attacks against civilians, but the looting, the rape and sexual violence, as well as the burning of villages, cattle raids, the abduction of women and children, the lack of access to food and education. The scale of the abuse and neglect is mind boggling, to be very frank. It’s no longer just confined to one or other parts of South Sudan; this is really happening all across South Sudan. The people we met with described how they were forced out of their homes and how their villages were burned. Wau is an interesting place. Because you actually see some of the most beautiful homes there, brick homes, when you look at them properly, and in detail. We were taken on a drive of the area, you see the roofs have come off and everything being burnt. And you ask yourself the question: ‘How are people going to rebuild their lives one day when this war is over, because there has been so much destruction?’

As one woman put it: “We were in our homes and they came and fired on us and they forced us out. When we fled, we witnessed dead people everywhere.” At the Catholic Church precinct in Wau town, amongst the IDPs living there, an 89 nine-year-old widow described how her husband and her two sons were brutally shot by the SPLA [Sudan People’s Liberation Army] and how she too begged for her life. And can you imagine the horror of it? You are witnessing, and you’re hearing two soldiers discuss, one says: ‘Let’s just kill her and be done’, and the other one says: ‘She’s an old woman, why don’t we just leave her and go.’ And you see your life flash in front of you. And this tiny, petit woman said…at that point she thought that her life would be over too, and now, in fact, she is burying three people. The more she goes out of her village, the more she discovers that more people have actually been killed.

An old church leader, who had once been the head of the Church Council, spoke tearfully about how he had lost his son in the violence. One of the women we spoke with actually said that the conversation she heard from the soldiers was that they had been instructed to target people who were not of their particular ethnic group and were lighter skin, because that would identify them as not belonging. And she mentioned she was a Dinka woman married to somebody from another tribe, and she asked her husband to hide because she was so fearful that he would lose his life.

Many of the survivors in the POC sites spoke to how their loved one’s bodies had been exhumed and reburied near them in the POC Camp at Wau. The camp authorities showed us where they have been burying peoples’ bodies. A 60-year-old woman described to me how she was gang raped by three soldiers and left on the side of the road to die. A young pregnant woman also spoke to her gang rape by soldiers.

The Commission was shocked to hear the stories of young men and women raped in front of their family members; much of this was deliberately strategized so that a husband would witness that his wife was being raped, a woman would see her son being raped…Part of these efforts is to break down the social mores. Many of the community leaders, in fact one of the chiefs I spoke with said: “How do we rebuild our societies after these types of horrors?” A farmer that I spoke with said: “I am a farmer, I want to return to home, I want to grow my crops, and to be very honest I don’t want to live on handouts. I don’t want the UN to give me rations. I can feed myself if only I am allowed to do what I have done, and my family has done, for many hundreds of years”.

The local Governor said that since the National Security Services (NSS) had come to Wau, peace had returned and that the SPLA soldiers had been sent to the outskirts of the town. He was insisting that people should leave the POC sites and go back to their homes, and that the UN should be distributing rations to the communities instead. All of the witnesses interviewed by the Commission noted that they were fearful for their safety and many of them had said they only are going home if the war ends completely.

A new dynamic we are witnessing is the increasing tension between the NSS soldiers who are now in occupation of the town of Wau, and the SPLA who have been pushed out to the perimeters. The NSS soldiers have been paid, the SPLA soldiers have not been paid. That in itself is creating its own conflict.

Wau was once a bustling market town that served many of the areas beyond; I think you know the different roads fork out to the neighbouring states. Today, it’s a ghost town with hundreds of beautiful homes burnt and destroyed, crops destroyed and, to be very frank, no life. In protected sites, many of the IDPs, many of their chiefs said to us that they are of the view that they were deliberately targeted because of their ethnic identity.

All of those we spoke to said that the most important thing now is for South Sudan to find some way of the war ending, and of sustainable peace coming to South Sudan. Not just the guns stopping, but real and durable peace.

The humanitarian workers we spoke to complained about continuously having their access to remote areas being blocked by the SPLA. So, you can get permission from the top, but when you’re on the road, you’re actually stopped by a checkpoint. Your food and medical supplies, some of that gets confiscated, and you’re often prevented from reaching where you want to go. Many of the humanitarian workers are deeply traumatized. Some of them we spoke with spoke to eight occasions when they had been told to get out, and a gun had been put to their foreheads and they were told they are going to die now. You can imagine what kind of experience that is. That is what people in South Sudan live with on a daily basis, but the enormous amount of trauma is, quite frankly, unacceptable. The humanitarians continue to deliver aid where they can, but food insecurity in South Sudan is increasing with many going hungry. Aid is just not enough. When you think, as some of the people in Wau told me, that was once one of the bread baskets for the region, how is it possible today that people don’t have enough food to feed themselves.

Yesterday, we returned to Juba where we met with members of the National Dialogue Committee and try to understand where their work really fits into all of this.

Many of the survivors we spoke with talked about the absence of the rule of law in many parts of the country and the blatant disregard for justice. Many spoke to how justice for the perpetrators of the crime perpetrated against them remains elusive. Many of them actually doubt that the international community and the African Union will succeed in setting up the Hybrid Court. Our job is to find that evidence, to collect it, to preserve it, for the possibility that that is going to happen. It’s not restricted to the Hybrid Court, but to any court that will be set up to deal with the atrocities that have been committed here. Collecting evidence is like insurance, once you have it, nobody can take it away. So, whether this is two years, three years, five years, it will be there. That is really our job at the end of this process.

The one thing that we came across is that this impunity is completely unacceptable. What we need to ensure is that there is a meaningful judicial process where perpetrators of these horrible acts can be brought to justice. There needs to be accountability for impunity which has become endemic in the country over the last few years. Almost every single one of the victims we spoke with express the need for accountability and the need for people to be held to account.

The food scarcity and insecurity has really reached disastrous proportions. This is a double tragedy because what happens is that it is the women and girls that walk out to find food, to find firewood, to find wood to make charcoal with…that is when they are at the most vulnerable. That is often when they are dragged into the bushes and raped. When we spoke to the men, they said if they went out they would be killed. This is a similar story. It doesn’t matter whether you go to Wau or if you go to Bentiu or Malakal, or anywhere else in the region. It is women really in this country who are bearing really a triple burden – that of holding their family together, the question of finding the resources to enable them to continue living – and really they take the risks in this country. All the people we spoke with expressed their hopes and dreams for peace.

We are also concerned about the fact that the whole question of the education system is completely in tatters. While there is some education going on in the POC sites, what you hate of course is the fact that you’re seeing another generation deprived of education; and ultimately deprived of an opportunity to make a life for themselves in the future. That’s really tragic because the future really depends on young people. If we destroy their opportunities, then I think we are also looking at destruction and the inability to realise the hopes and dreams of what liberation was about. When you think about the joy with which South Sudan came into being, and you look at it now so many years down the line, you ask yourself the question, ‘how do we change this around?’ That really raises the responsibility of the region, of the Government, of the leadership of all the warring factions. They need to make peace, because if this goes on it is going to be almost impossible to turn the tide again.

We are going to be reporting back to the Human Rights Council in March. We have been very fortunate that the Government of South Sudan has provided us with the cooperation to go where we need to go. We have had meetings with the Government at which the questions we’ve asked to them they have tried to make the responses available. From that perspective, we look forward to the continued engagement with the Government of South Sudan, as well as with the States in the region.

On Saturday, we separate again. Andrew is going to speak about his visit to Akobo and the impressions he gained there. But we separate again on Saturday. I am going down to northern Uganda to meet with the refugees there, then to Adjumani. And Andrew is going to go to Gambella. I was in Gambella in August. And I was there just after the attack in Pagak. I also witnessed the re-opening of a new camp in Gambella to accommodate the more than 30,000 refugees that had come from Pagak into the area, with their cattle and livestock looking for refuge. It was not a good sight. You saw all of these old and young people. You saw them...in a really bad state because they had been walking for many, many days. This is not the life for the people of South Sudan, with so many refugees, and so many IDPs. And all the people you speak to say ‘I want to go home, I want to be able to take care of myself’.

This is a country where there is enormous resilience. The way this war is being conducted is actually wearing people down. It has to stop, and there has to be accountability. That is the commitment we have, to try and make sure that we do everything in our best to enable that to happen. Thank you.

Andrew Clapham, Member of the CHRSS: Thanks you very much. My name is Andrew Clapham. I am a professor of international law at the Geneva Graduate Institute. I am very pleased to have been asked to join this Commission. I am relatively new to the Commission. Obviously, the statement reflects our joint opinion on this.

Maybe a couple of details from the trip to Akobo. We met with many internally displace people, IDPs. Many of the stories are similar to ones you have just heard. I do remember one woman explain to me in great detail how she had fled the fighting and she was heavily pregnant. And as she was fleeing she gave birth on the road, which was obviously quite traumatic. Luckily the boy did survive, and we met the boy. Which brings me to a second point. She was surrounded by this very child/infant, but there were several other children, and we asked about whether they were able to go to school. The irony is that they had set up a sort of temporary camp around the primary school, but when we asked further questions it was clear that they could not send these children to school. As my colleague said, we feel now that there may very well be a lost generation of children who have no hope of going to school in the near future and they are missing out on that.

The second point, I suppose particular to that trip, is that we did visit the UN encampment which had been attacked on the 19th of December 2014, where I was shown the tent where a number of civilians were killed; there is a whole series of testimony to that. Clearly, attacking civilians in that context is a war crime, as is the attack on the UN compound and the material itself, which would be a war crime which, as was explained, could be prosecuted in the Hybrid Court, or indeed in any court that would have jurisdiction over such a crime. With that I’ll close and pass the chair back.

Yasmin Sooka: Before I close and open up for questions. I do think, and I did say initially that we really have to acknowledge really the significance of today, that it’s four years since the conflict began in South Sudan. I think the one thing we can’t walk away from is that there have been people who were born into a conflict, and have lived in a conflict. And really it is our obligation to ensure that more people don’t die in this particular conflict. It is really significant when you think about the IGAD Revitalization Conflict that begins on Sunday, the 17th, because this, I think, is going to be, quite frankly, one of the opportunities to really end this conflict and to bring peace…I think the Director of OXFAM released a statement this morning…there is a huge responsibility on the parties who sit there to actually ensure that they come with a seriousness to the table. Because the people who are suffering are the ordinary people on the ground. Many of them say ‘we had such high hopes of liberation. If you look at our plight now, we kind of wonder what this was all about’.

Thank you.

South Sudan: South Sudan’s Peace Process Needs New Thinking

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Source: International Peace Institute
Country: South Sudan

by Gerrit Kurtz

Today marks the end of the fourth year of civil war in the youngest state on earth, South Sudan. Over the years, attempts to build a lasting peace agreement have faltered. The Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan (ARCSS)—facilitated by the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD)—was signed by President Salva Kiir Mayardit and former Vice President Riek Machar Teny in August 2015, but by July 2016 the deal broke apart after several days of heavy fighting between Kiir’s and Machar’s troops in Juba. Negotiations since that time have been shaky at best due to a variety of factors, including delays and obstructions by the current president. Current attempts to revitalize the ARCSS, although welcome, face an array of obstacles. To overcome these and to avoid repeating the same mistakes that led to the demise of the ARCSS, new thinking and approaches are needed.

Obstacles to a Lasting Peace Agreement

The model of peacemaking thus far has been characterized as “big tent”: after several rounds of fighting lead to a stalemate, the government provides rebel leaders with an opportunity to control and disperse resources, and to integrate their militia into the national army. This policy formed the basis of the ARCSS. In June 2017, the IGAD council of ministers called for a “high-level revitalization forum” of the ARCSS. The initiative has support within the government and from all major opposition groups who have expressed their readiness to participate in the negotiations. However, IGAD diplomats face a delicate balancing act. Some provisions of the peace agreement, including the security arrangements, are clearly obsolete and need to be reviewed. At the same time, opening the whole agreement for renegotiation risks drawing out the process and potentially losing some of the commitments to constitutional reform, economic management, and transitional justice that are included.

More importantly, it is fundamentally unclear how “revitalization” will look. Since the July 2016 crisis, political and military realities have changed considerably. After Riek Machar fled the country, President Kiir appointed the opposition politician Taban Deng Gai to replace him. Yet the government’s expectation that he would be able to bring along opposition fighters with him has not been met. Most of Riek Machar’s troops remain loyal to him. His involvement in the process remains a major stumbling block for the negotiations. No one in the diplomatic community in Juba that I spoke to during a recent research trip expects Machar to return to Juba, after SPLA units tried to kill him twice, in 2013 and 2016. Accommodating Machar in the government thus seems impossible, though marginalizing him has also not worked.

The underlying problem remains the logic of dividing the spoils. Positions of authority in South Sudan have served the self-enrichment of office-holders and the accumulation of political budgets. As a result of the insecurity in the country and the macroeconomic crisis, the resources that could be allocated are becoming smaller. Moreover, the lack of accountability of officials and politicians is a core challenge that contributed to the outbreak of the civil war in the first place. If there is no overarching political vision for South Sudan, another purely transactional power-sharing deal will inevitably result in dissent and confrontation just as in 2016.

No Easy Solutions

The last few years have made clear that there are no quick fixes in South Sudan. No single process will be able to bring a comprehensive peace to the country in the foreseeable future. For the time being, a number of measures can be taken that may mitigate and contain the scale and brutality of the violence, and even create space for a long-term peace agreement.

The first is for IGAD mediators and international interlocutors to make clear that perpetrators will face justice. Looting, sexual violence, and mass atrocities need to have consequences. Regional support for asset freezes and anti-money laundering measures, for example, is growing. In September, the African Union Peace and Security Council warned that the revitalization process represented “a last chance for the Parties” and threatened unspecified sanctions against spoilers. After the United States strengthened its unilateral sanctions regime, the Kenyan Central Bank instructed its banks to implement asset freezes that the UN Security Council had passed in 2015.

Second, international actors, such as the Troika—the three-nation group supporting negotiations consisting of Norway, the UK, and the US—but also Germany and the EU, could lobby other countries for an informal arms embargo on South Sudan. US pressure has already stopped Sudanese arms deliveries for Machar’s troops. Engaging with Ukraine, Uganda, and Egypt, which the UN Panel of Experts sees as the government’s arms dealers, would be crucial as well. A commitment to a ceasefire at the beginning of the revitalization forum could provide the diplomatic backing for those states to reconsider their covert arms shipments.

Third, empowering civil society and other constructive forces will be crucial. The churches play a very important role in peacemaking and reconciliation as they are the only institutions with a reach in all corners of the country. They also have the patience and stamina to stay engaged when national and international actors have long left. Their biggest advantage is also a challenge though. Part and parcel of South Sudanese society, they are not immune to the polarization that has divided the country. Work on intercommunal conflicts by the churches, the UN mission, and non-governmental organizations needs donor support, including for targeted early recovery measures.

A Need for International Introspection

Finally, Western countries, and in particular the Troika, will contribute more positively to negotiations if they are aware of their own impact on the conflict and the peace process. For example, Troika acceptance of the replacement of Riek Machar with Taban Deng Gai lent legitimacy to the process. On the other hand, the rushed and failed effort of the US to expand the UN sanctions regime and create an arms embargo “gave Juba a degree of increased confidence,” in one Western diplomat’s perception. The government then continued its operations in Equatoria that displaced hundreds of thousands of civilians, and obstructed humanitarian access. Another example is the disappointment of South Sudanese civil society organizations when German foreign minister Sigmar Gabriel stood them up during a visit in August 2017.

Ultimately, there is no silver bullet to ending the civil war in South Sudan. At the very least, international actors should ensure that their actions and omissions do not prolong the suffering, however unintentionally. Overcoming the tendency to broker conventional transactional power-sharing agreements would be an important start.

Gerrit Kurtz is a PhD candidate at King’s College London and a non-resident fellow with the Global Public Policy Institute in Berlin. His research focuses on conflict prevention diplomacy in South Sudan and Sri Lanka.

*Originally Published in the Global Observatory

Sudan: UNICEF Sudan Humanitarian Situation Report, November 2017

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Source: UN Children's Fund
Country: South Sudan, Sudan

Highlights

  • In Blue Nile, an intensive community mobilization campaign was conducted in newly accessible areas (mainly Alkali, Mangano and Turnasei localities) by the State Ministry of Health, UNICEF and partners. Some 3,101 children under 5 years were screened and 441 children were found with severe acute malnutrition. All children identified as acute malnutrition were enrolled into appropriate treatment programmes, while many of the severely malnourished children are in critical condition requiring immediate inpatient care.

  • In East Jebel Marra, South Darfur, an interagency assessment was organized in Leiba village where there are around 28,000 internally displaced people of which about 13,440 of whom are children. This was the first time aid agencies have been able to access Leiba in seven years. The assessment identified the need for health, food security, education, water and protection interventions for 45,000 people including the host community members.

  • The Security Council Working Group on Children and Armed Conflict visited Sudan during the period of 26th to 29th November 2017 in coordination with the UN Country Task Force on Monitoring and Reporting, comprising the African Union / United Nations hybrid mission to Sudan (UNAMID), the Office of the Resident Coordinator/Humanitarian Coordinator and UNICEF. Through this visit, UN gained strong commitment to address remaining gaps in the implementation of the Action Plan from the Government of Sudan.

  • UNICEF and partners have provided educational support to 2,231 (600 girls and 1,631 boys) out of school children in emergency situations, through the provision of essential education supplies in Central Darfur.

Situation Overview and Humanitarian Needs

In Blue Nile, an intensive community mobilization campaign was conducted during the month of November by UNICEF in collaboration with the State Ministry of Health in newly accessible areas, including Alkali, Mangano and Turnasei localities. 3,101 children under 5 years were screened and 441 children found with severe acute malnutrition. An additional 745 children were found with moderate acute malnutrition. All children identified as acute malnutrition were enrolled into appropriate treatment programmes, while many of the severely malnourished children were in critical condition requiring inpatient care. UNICEF and partners are working to develop an immediate integrated response plan to save the lives of children.

In East Jebel Marra, South Darfur, an interagency assessment was organized in Leiba village where there are around 28,000 internally displaced people of which about 13,440 of whom are children. Most of the displacement took place during the conflict in the area between 2010 and 2016. This was the first time aid agencies have been able to access Leiba in seven years. The assessment identified the need for health, food security, education, water and protection interventions for 45,000 people including the host community members. UNICEF plans to expand the provision of integrated lifesaving interventions in newly accessible areas in East, North, Central and West Jebel Marra, including scaling up the integrated response with vaccinations, integrated management of childhood illnesses, primary health care, providing essential education supplies and protection services, improving access to safe water as well as nutritional support.

The caseload of acute watery diarrhoea (AWD) remains low in Red Sea and Central Darfur states. UNICEF and partners are planning and focusing on scaling up the investment on prevention of AWD through increased behavioural change engagement, increased access to improved water resources, improved access to primary health care services, as well as strengthening capacity development of partners and service providers

South Sudan: Statement attributable to the Spokesman for the Secretary-General on South Sudan

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Source: UN Secretary-General
Country: South Sudan

New York

The Secretary-General urges South Sudanese Parties to engage in good faith in the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) -led High-Level Revitalization Forum set to begin in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, next week. The Secretary-General is convinced that with full backing by the region and the wider international community, this Forum provides a unique opportunity to bring all the parties to the conflict and other stakeholders to the negotiation table.

As the conflict in South Sudan enters its fifth year, the Secretary-General urges all South Sudanese to end the violence and peacefully resolve the crisis in the country. He further urges them to seize the opportunity of this meeting to secure a new cessation of hostilities, address the implementation of the 2015 Peace Agreement, and develop revised timelines to reach its key benchmarks.

The Secretary-General reiterates his deep appreciation for the work of the IGAD Special Envoy Ismail Wais, Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission (JMEC) Chair Former President Festus Mogae and the African Union High Representative former President Alpha Oumar Konaré, for preparing the ground for this inclusive Forum that carries the promise of moving South Sudan out of the current catastrophic humanitarian and human rights crisis by bringing an end to this protracted conflict.


South Sudan: Aid in Danger - East Africa NGO Security Incident Analysis: July-September 2017

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Source: Insecurity Insight
Country: Burundi, Ethiopia, Kenya, Malawi, Rwanda, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan, Uganda, United Republic of Tanzania

Aid in Danger partner agency incidents. Partner agencies operated in 12 countries. Partner agencies reported 901 incidents in ten countries and 21 security measures taken to protect staff, assets and programmes in seven countries. The total number of reported incidents below reflects the willingness of agencies to share information. It is not a complete count nor representative. For other incidents recorded by the Aid in Danger project, including from open sources, please see NGO Security Incident Overview.

World: Communicable Disease Threats Report, 10-16 December 2017, week 50

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Source: European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control
Country: Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Chad, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Dominican Republic, Ethiopia, Germany, Greece, Haiti, Ireland, Mozambique, Netherlands, Nigeria, Norway, Pakistan, Romania, Serbia, Slovenia, Somalia, South Sudan, Spain, Syrian Arab Republic, Uganda, Ukraine, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, Venezuela (Bolivarian Republic of), World, Yemen

The ECDC Communicable Disease Threats Report (CDTR) is a weekly bulletin for epidemiologists and health professionals on active public health threats. This issue covers the period 10-16 December 2017 and includes updates on diphtheria, influenza, Salmonella and cholera.

Somalia: East Africa Seasonal Monitor: December 15, 2017

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Source: Famine Early Warning System Network
Country: Burundi, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan, Uganda

MESSAGES

  • The Deyr/short rains season is coming to an end in the Horn of Africa, with little to no rainfall in many areas since mid-November, and little to no rainfall forecast for the next two weeks. Following a significantly delayed start of season and below average seasonal rainfall, below-average crop yields are expected in rainfed areas of southern Somalia and eastern Kenya.

  • Overall, cropping prospects are near normal in most areas of Uganda, Rwanda, and Burundi, following well distributed and sufficient rainfall during the season. However, rainfall deficits persist late in the season in parts of central Uganda, western Rwanda, Burundi, and neighboring areas of eastern DRC.

  • Over the next two weeks, moderate to heavy rainfall is forecast over much of Tanzania, Burundi, Rwanda, and eastern DRC. In coastal Kenya, additional rainfall could help to ease seasonal deficits, but may not significantly improve crop yield prospects.

SEASONAL PROGRESS

Since mid-November, rainfall has been below average across many areas of the Horn, including southeastern Ethiopia, southern Somalia, and much of eastern Kenya. The onset of the Deyr/short rains season was delayed by almost a month and poorly distributed over time, and cumulative totals have been below average across much of Somalia, eastern Kenya, and western Somali Region in Ethiopia.

Meanwhile, in much of southern South Sudan, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi and eastern DRC, cropping conditions have generally remained favorable following the average to above average rainfall between mid-November and early December. However, there are also localized areas of below-average cropping conditions, in response to the poorly distributed and below-average amounts of rainfall in parts of central and northwestern Uganda, western Rwanda and Burundi, eastern DRC, and bimodal cropping areas of northern Tanzania.

Vegetation conditions are generally above average over much of southeastern Ethiopia, northeastern and eastern Uganda, and northwestern Kenya, according to the eMODIS/NDVI (Figure 2). However, there are extensive areas where vegetation conditions are below average, including southeastern and southern Kenya, and coastal areas of southern Somalia, eastern DRC and western Burundi.

Democratic Republic of the Congo: Underlying tensions: South Sudanese refugees and pathways to conflict prevention in the Democratic Republic of Congo

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Source: Conciliation Resources
Country: Democratic Republic of the Congo, South Sudan

DRC: Tensions with refugees are rising and the NGO response might be making it worse

Kennedy Tumutegyereize
East and Central Africa Programme Director

Driving through Dungu didn’t used to be risky. The small town in northeastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is over 1,000 km northeast of Kasai province, the current epicentre of conflict, and hundreds of kilometres from the often restive east.

But last week, our drive was interrupted by a group of young men. They told us the streets weren’t safe today; something was going to happen.

Over the past weeks, the atmosphere in Dungu has become increasingly tense. Since July 2016, approximately 73,000 South Sudanese have arrived in northeastern DRC. They are fleeing widespread violence in their home country and more keep coming. This influx has exacerbated existing tensions between refugee and host communities and threatens to escalate.

No recognition of hosts

The movement of people between the two countries is not new. Since 1990, civilians from both South Sudan and DRC have crossed the border in search of safety.

In fact, it is this history that is partly to blame for underlying tensions. In 1998, when there were nearly 130,000 Sudanese seeking refuge in the DRC, the rebel Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) entered the country. Their attempts to forcibly recruit young people led to three days of violence against the Congolese population. Many in the area have not forgotten these events and still associate refugees with the armed groups that operate along the porous border.

The humanitarian response to the current refugee crisis is also exacerbating tensions.

Many South Sudanese are currently living with Congolese families as they wait for formal settlements to be established. Yet while the refugees and their hosts may face the same daily challenges, humanitarian assistance is overwhelmingly targeted towards the former.

In Haut-Uélé province, one woman said that a group of refugees living with her family became ill. The disease quickly spread to the hosts too, but medical assistance was only delivered to the exiles. “I called when people were sick, but when they came, they only came for the refugees,” she said.

The allocation of vital resources such as land, food, and water is putting further pressure on inter-communal relations. In Ituri province, one community reported that they could no longer access water, because their main supply was on a plot of land given to refugees.

Host communities also complain that they are being denied one of the few benefits of the influx and humanitarian presence: employment. The UN refugee agency (UNHCR) is working to establish formal settlements, but more often than not, staff are relocated from other parts of the country. This led the people of Dungu to stage a day of inaction last month, closing shops and schools, in protest at the UNHCR’s recruitment policy.

“There has been no recognition of hosts,” said one woman who has taken in a refugee family. “People here must be hired. It is not good to only bring outsiders. There are knowledgeable people here.”

Paths to peace

To ensure these underlying tensions don’t escalate, it is critical for national, regional and international organisations to understand the dynamics playing out between refugees and host communities. Humanitarian actors and their partners need to go beyond conversations with top-level decision makers. They must also consider the perspectives and experiences of those most affected by the refugee crisis.

As part of new research, international peacebuilding organisation Conciliation Resources spoke to nearly 800 people – including community members, customary chiefs, refugees, internally-displaced persons and UN staff – about the current situation. Community members suggested that conflict could be avoided by providing humanitarian assistance to host families, hiring members of the community at refugee settlements, and consulting with community members about the allocation of precious resources.

Any assistance must also take into account other marginalised groups in both the host and refugee communities.

For instance, there are approximately 210,000 internally-displaced Congolese in northeastern DRC who face similar social and economic difficulties to refugees. This number includes around 3,000 people who have escaped from the captivity of the infamous Lord’s Resistance Army over the past ten years. This group faces particular social and economic discrimination.

There are also divisions within refugee communities that need to be addressed. Amongst those who have fled South Sudan, for instance, the Dinka people are particularly discriminated against both by fellow refugees and Congolese communities.

“The Dinka refugees are viewed as dangerous”, said one Congolese resident. “Other refugees will kill the Dinka if they come here.”

Reconciliation needs to be built

To overcome the shadows of the past and foster long-term peace between communities, efforts will also need to be made to build positive relationships. A recent “apology” ceremony in Dungu is a step in the right direction. The ceremony was initiated by South Sudanese refugees who wanted to formally apologise for the violence that took place in 1998.

With South Sudanese continuing to flee across the border, civil society organisations, alongside Conciliation Resources, are working to bring together refugees and host communities to share their experiences and perspectives. Initiatives such as this need to be supported by local and international organisations and must include all sectors of society in order to be truly sustainable.

As one community member remarked, “reconciliation needs to be built, it will not just come”.

World: Bringing in the margins: Peacebuilding and transition in borderlands

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Source: Conciliation Resources
Country: Kenya, Liberia, Myanmar, Sierra Leone, South Sudan, Sudan, Tunisia, World

This report summarises discussions from a workshop to explore sub-state political settlements in conflict-affected borderlands and the possibilities for more effective and inclusive peacebuilding interventions. It looks at four key themes: concepts of borderlands, inclusion and political settlement; the particular types of violence, (in)security, governance and authority that emerge in borderlands; the challenges of working in borderlands, and innovative methods and tools to better engage with their dynamics; and peacebuilding responses and practice in borderland spaces.

Key workshop findings

  • Re-imagining state-centric approaches: Borderlands are often linked to national and transnational instability, insecurity and violence – prompting securitised responses, regulation of the border, and exceptional forms of governance. But these may exacerbate marginalisation and exclusion of borderland communities. Such responses develop because mainstream policy is often state- and capitalcentric, based on the assumption that peace and development built from the centre will automatically spread to peripheral areas.

  • Bringing in the margins: Analytical frameworks focused on borderlands, political settlements and inclusion can help better understanding of the margins and support more effective and inclusive peacebuilding policy and practice. By taking the margins as a starting point, these lenses bring into focus the multiple actors, informal and formal structures, and changing political and economic relations, at different levels – sub-national, between centre and periphery, and across borders – that impact transitions out of conflict.

  • Understanding borderland violence: Violence often looks different in border regions, with implications for peacebuilding approaches and priorities. Borderland violence is typically explained by generalised assumptions concerning weak institutions and underdevelopment. A detailed and precise typology of violence could strengthen evidence of why and how violence emerges and is sustained in borderlands, supporting the development of early warning systems and preventive options.

  • Governance, authority and borderland brokers: Borderlands are often areas of highly contested authority and hybrid governance structures. A key challenge for peacebuilding interventions is to identify who exercises authority and through which structures, as well as the levels of legitimacy that these have among communities. Borderland brokers can navigate these fluid environments and negotiate between communities, political leadership and conflict parties in borderlands. Greater understanding of the role of brokers to mediate between the periphery and centre, within borderlands and transnationally, can strengthen interaction between national and subnational peace and development interventions.

  • Challenges to access and data: There are acute challenges to accessing information in borderlands for researchers, policymakers and practitioners. Innovative methodologies such as comic strips, spatial technology and spatial mapping of data provide opportunities to explore hard to reach borderland areas, and to facilitate greater understanding of the complex dynamics and personal stories of borderland communities.

  • Inclusion versus stability: Balancing inclusion of borderland interests and communities with the stabilisation priorities of states is a core challenge for interventions. While tensions may be inevitable, experience from peacebuilding initiatives suggest that there are a number of different entry points to support better inclusion of borderlands. Further consideration of the consequences of stabilisation is also required to ensure tailored responses work with existing political and social institutions.

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